போலி கம்யூனிஸ்ட் பார்ப்பன தலைமை
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போலிக்கம்யூனிஸ்டுகளை பற்றிய இந்த படங்கள் மிகவும் அருமையாக வடிவமக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது.
தொடர்ச்சியாக இது போல இன்னும் பல நூறு படங்களை படைத்திட வாழ்த்துக்கள்.
வெகு அருமை… இது போல பல கருத்துப் படங்களை உங்களிடமிருந்து எதிர்பார்க்கிறோம்….
கீழே உள்ள பின்னூட்டத்தை முதலில் சந்திப்பு என்ற CPM கூலிப்படை தலைவனின் தளத்தில் இட்டிருந்தேன். அதனை அவர் பிரசூரிக்கவில்லை. பிறகு இரண்டாம் முறை இப்பொழுது இட்டுள்ளேன். அதனை அவ்ர வெளியிடுவார் என்ற நம்பிக்கைய்யில்லை எனவே இங்கும் ஒரு பிரதியிடுகிறேன்.
யோவ் சந்திப்பு ரொம்ப நல்லவன் மாதிரி நடிக்கிறியே நான் போட்ட ஆங்கில பின்னூட்டத்தை ஏன் வெளியிடவில்லை? அதனை மீண்டும் இங்கு பதிகிறேன். தைரியமிருந்தால், சூடு சொரனையிருந்தால் வெளியிடு.
மேற்கு வங்கத்தில் ஆட்சிக்கு வந்த முதல் CPM அரசின் 4 அமைச்சர்களில் உயிருடன் இருப்பவ்ர்களில் ஒருவர் அசோக் மித்ரா. மற்றொருவரான ஜோதிபாசுவுக்கு இணையானவர். அவரே CPMயைப் பற்றி எழுதியுள்ள கட்டுரை கீழே உள்ளது.
காங்கிரசை விட சீரழிந்த கட்சியாக CPM உள்ளது என்கிறார் அவர். நீங்கள் எப்படி இருந்தீர்களோ அப்படி இப்போது இல்லை என்கிறார் அவர். புரட்சிக்கும், சோசலிசத்துக்குமான சித்தாந்த கடப்பாடு உங்களைப் பொறுத்தவரை தேய்ந்த பழைய கதை என்கிறார் அவர்.
அவரையும் நக்சல்பாரி என்றோ அமெரிக்க ஏஜெண்டு என்றோ செல்வபெருமாள் சொல்லக் கூடும். ஆங்கிலத்தில் ஒரு முது மொழி உண்டு: ‘நீ வாங்குகின்ற சம்பளத்தின் குரலாகத்தான் நீ பேசுகிறாய்’ என்று. சந்திப்பு அதைத்தான் நிரூபிக்கிறார்.
புத்தாண்டு புரட்சிகரமாக விடிய வாழ்த்துக்கள்.
சந்திப்புக்கு ஆங்கில தெரியும் என்று நம்புகிறேன்.
You Are Not What You Were
Till death I would remain guilty to my conscience if I keep mum about the happenings of the last two weeks in West Bengal over Nandigram. One gets torn by pain too. Those against whom I am speaking have been my comrades at some time. The party whose leadership they are adorning has been the centre of my dreams and work for the last sixty years.
Let me start with the governor. Those who remember Anantaprasad Sharma or Rajeshwar would readily admit that it is a great fortune for this state and the State Government that they have someone as gentle, well-mannered, sympathetic, modest, erudite as Gopal Krishna Gandhi as the governor of the state. Let me also add he had consented to the post because of the interest shown by the central leadership of the ruling party. What has been his grave fault that the ruling party is so determined to declare even him as its enemy? Through a travesty of truth it is being said that the governor has termed the return of those who were forced to flee Nandigram to take shelter in Khejuri as illegitimate and unpardonable. He has not done so. He has condemned, in no uncertain terms, the way in which they have been brought back. By now the machination that went on behind the return is known to the world. The government had had enough scope to rehabilitate these devastated people in their own homes through political mediation or administrative arrangements during the last eleven months. The attempts through unilateral threatening, police action, indiscriminate firing had a tragic end. But there were still many avenues left to be explored. The government could have announced compensation for the family of dead and injured immediately after the idiotic incident of firing. Promises could have been made to take action against the police officers and personnel involved in the crime. Days passed, and the government did nothing. Announcement was made in the fashion of Vijay Tendulkar’s play’s title, ‘Shantata, court chalu ahe.’ The senior most political leader of the state and the country had to take the initiative to call up Mamata Banerjee, sit and discuss with her a few conditions for resolution. The government was intimated of them. It did not proceed on them. On the initiative of the senior leader of the Forward Bloc, Ashok Ghosh, an all-party meeting was convened. That also got stalled due to indirect pressure from the ruling party. In the meanwhile, as was inevitable, the opposition parties started using the unstable situation of Nandigram to their own advantage. The flame of tension was kept burning by a variety of organisations of different colours and class. The discontented whining one hears from the ruling party over this has no rationale whatsoever. The responsibility of unspoken suffering of those who spent eleven months as homeless rests squarely upon the shoulders of the government.
It is better to look further into the past. Nandigram was not after all the first blood. Singur episode had happened before that. The Left Front Government does not like nationalised industries. They want to set up private industries in the state. Hence there are promises to acquire land on behalf of the national, international capitalists. That land would supposedly be used by capitalists to set up industries. Since there was declaration of industrialisation in the election manifesto, and since they have won 235 seats, it was readily assumed that there was no need for preparations. All of a sudden peasants were told: leave the land, the masters would set up industries here. If it had learned minimum lessons from the protests, clashes and the blood letting of Singur, the government would have been more careful in Nandigram. But that was not to be. It remained as arrogant as ever. Even the top leaders of the ruling party have been saying there was no existence of the opposition parties in Nandigram. The government itself provided them with the opportunity to grow. The loyal followers of the ruling party declared revolt and those who were not with them were driven out. The onus of this rests on the government as well.
For eleven months complete silence and inactivity were carefully maintained, no political or administrative alternative was explored. And suddenly a new plot was hatched. As has been repeatedly admitted by the home secretary, the police was instructed to remain inactive. Mercenaries were collected from across the state. Workers of the ruling party encircled Nandigram from all directions. Birds, bees, flies, journalists none was given the permission to penetrate the blockade. And then the light brigade of the ruling party charged in, beat the wayward militants of Nandigram to a pulp and into submission. Those who had fled returned. However, the moment of their return saw a parallel and opposite incident. Houses were torched anew, those who were inside Nandigram were butchered in a massive celebration of revenge. Presently, the Nandigram sky is reverberating with the scream of the recent batch of refugees.
The governor must have been informed of the developments by the secretaries. Much concerned, he must have appealed to the honchos of the ministry to keep peace. But to no effect. The rampage is going on as we speak. And so is the blood bath. The governor has made a public statement condemning the incident. I do not know if what he said, how he said it falls within the framework of the constitution. Those who have not forgotten the framework of humanism, however, will not have two minds about it.
The problem does not involve Singur and Nandigram alone. It is much more deep and serious. The repetition of mistakes has become a habit. Just consider this for a minute. It has only been a year and a half since the Left Front has won a massive mandate; and what examples of arrogance and stupidity during this brief span! Come what may, we shall have control over every nook and corner of the state. The cricket board will get its chief elected to our dictates. If our candidate loses we would say, ‘evil power has won, we will chase him out.’ Not only the ordinary people, economic thinkers have offered diverse views over land acquisition in Singur and Nandigram. These different opinion holders are nothing but bookworms, what do they know about running a government! Consequently the prominent economist and party comrade of the stature of Prabhat Patnaik is hounded. We are an all-knowing government: from cricket, poetry, theatre, films to the magic of land acquisition – we know everything. Neither should anyone lecture us on the pros and cons of the nuclear deal, for we have won 235 seats. Jyoti Basu won more seats in 1987; he was not heard to mouth such hubris.
Not only hubris, add ineptitude to it. Decades have passed shouting hoarse about universal education, and still West Bengal is behind so many states. Money is flowing in from the centre for employment generation schemes, there is zero administrative initiative, the hungry and the unemployed go hungry and unemployed. The centre has arrangement for wheat and rice; these are not even lifted so that they could be sent to the middle and lower class through the ration system. There are uncountable errors and omissions in the list of people living below the poverty line. The shortcomings in the state over empowering the minorities have been detailed in the Sachar Committee report.
Take the incident surrounding the death of Rizwanur Rahman. If the police chief of Kolkata along with his cohorts were removed the very evening in which he let his social philosophy known at a press conference and if the investigation were handed over to the Central Bureau of Investigation, public rage would not have assumed such ominous proportions. Instead we witnessed an extraordinary serial exhibition of a strange paralysis. Examples go on mounting.
Three decades ago when the Left Front government took the oath of office it was not to sit at Writers’ building and indulge in empty talks. But to be one with the people, listening to it and after realising the advice of the people with due humility to design government programmes to implement it. Improvisation of the Panchayat system was precisely for this purpose. Yet all these have somehow become stagnant. Though panchayats are elected democratically they are in a sorry state today. The little money that reaches them is not properly utilised, plenty of it disappears into dark tunnels.
It is not possible therefore to avoid the unpleasant truth anymore. One can borrow S. D. Burman’s song to describe what the Communist Party of India (Marxist) was in this state a few decades ago, ‘you are not what you were.’ 90% of its members have joined after 1977, 70% after 1991. They do not know the history of sacrifices of the party. To them ideological commitment to revolution and socialism is simply a fading folktale. As the new ideology is development, many of them are associated with the party in the search for personal development. They have come to take, not to give. They are learning different tricks so as to appropriate various privileges by aligning with the governing party. One efficient way to bag privileges is to flatter the masters. The party has turned into a wide open field of flatterers and court jesters. Moreover, there has been a rising dominance of ‘anti-socials’. For different reasons, every political party has to lend patronage to ‘anti-socials’, they remain in the background and are called into duty at urgent times. In the seventies these anti-socials had reached the top rung of the Congress party. I fear the same fate is awaiting the communist party.
Many of the old people, long time and still party members, who have been through numerous sacrifices and are idealists, are a disheartened, disillusioned lot today. But any organised protest will face party disciplinary action, what will be their support in the twilight of life if the party throws them out?
I feel sorry for Mr. Jyoti Basu. Of the four ministerial colleagues who took the oath as members of the first Left Front government with him on 21st June, 1977, only I am still alive. His current state of an imprisoned Shah Jahan saddens the heart deeply. State leadership does not heed the little advice he tries to offer from time to time. If his talks are a tad uncomfortable for the party they are not published in the party organs. Every Friday after the meeting of the party secretaries he comes downstairs and is made to say different things; what he says today may completely be the opposite of what he had said the last time.
But my real concern lies elsewhere. Mamata Banerjee is the safest insurance for the current ruling party. The urban, rural masses may have become discontented with the Left Front, but whenever they imagine Mamata Banerjee’s ascent to power, the sheer terror of that possibility has made them vote for the Left Front. But if it comes to a situation that the hubris and ineptitude of leaders of the Left Front government frustrate them so much that they begin to think there is no difference really, it’s all tweedledum and tweedledee, that will be a real disaster. For notice the behaviour, patronage, programme, mode of action, speech of Mamata Banerjee – she personifies fascism. My ardent appeal to the central leadership of the party which I still love to think to be mine, please think it over, you shiver at the terror of Maoism, will that shivering compel you to throw West Bengal into the gutter of fascism?
The article appeared in The Anandabazaar Patrika. Translated from the Bengali by Debarshi Das, Sanhati, http://sanhati.com/articles/446/
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ஏன் பதிவுகளை நிறுத்திக்கொண்டீர்கள்.
தொடர்ந்து உங்கள் கணிணித்தூரிகை இயங்கட்டும். இல்லையென்றால் போலிகளுக்கே ஒரு ஏக்கம் வந்துவிடும்.
போலி கம்யூனிஸ்ட் என்று cpim இன் தலைவர்களை விமர்சிப்பதை நிறுத்திகொள் மனிதா….
போலி கம்யூனிஸ்ட்கள் தான் மூன்று மாநிலத்தில் ஆட்சி செய்கிறார்களோ…. உன்னுடைய கேவலமான புத்தியை நல்ல வழியில் செயல் படுத்து…
நன்மைக்கு பாடுபடும் எங்களை கொச்சை படுத்துவதை நிறுத்திகொள்……!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
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